THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS
Samuel P. Huntington
Foreign Affairs. Summer 1993, v72, n3, p22(28)
from the Academic Index (database on UTCAT system)
SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON is the Eaton Professor of the Science of Government and Director of the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University. This article is the product of the Olin Institute's project on "The Changing Security Environment and American National Interests."
This article can be found online at
http://www.bintjbeil.com/articles/en/d_huntington.html (footnotes embedded)
and http://www.alamut.com/subj/economics/misc/clash.html (footnotes at the end)
If you prefer embedded footnotes, please take note of the following error in the bintjbeil copy, on page 2:
It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The [cultural] fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future. [“cultural” was added by me (Greg Kagira-Watson) because of same statement on page 5, which seems to add further definition – based on full meaning of the text. These two sentences were also truncated into one at the bintjbeil website and are now corrected. The following words were left out: "will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations...."]
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There is an interesting EXPANDED
In the 1993 article,
It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.
These civilizations are mostly divided along religious lines. The main ones he sees are:
With respect to the Samuel Huntington article, also see: The True Clash of Civilizations, (Foreign Policy March/April 2003), which represents the debate that followed: http://www.globalpolicy.org/globaliz/cultural/2003/0304clash.htm Authors Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris argue:
[The article BEGINS:]
Huntington was only half right. The cultural fault line that divides the West
and the Muslim world is not about democracy but sex. According to a new survey,
Muslims and their Western counterparts want democracy, yet they are worlds
apart when it comes to attitudes toward divorce, abortion, gender equality, and
gay rights–which may not bode well for democracy’s future in the
[And the article ENDS:]
"....Women did not attain the right to vote in most historically Protestant societies until about 1920, and in much of Roman Catholic Europe until after World War II. In 1945, only 3 percent of the members of parliaments around the world were women. In 1965, the figure rose to 8 percent, in 1985 to 12 percent, and in 2002 to 15 percent.
[ At the end of the article a section appears: "Want to Know More ____________________________________"
Samuel Huntington expanded his controversial 1993 article into a book, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon and Schustei 1996). Among the authors who have disputed Huntington’s claim that Islam is incompatible with democratic values are Edward Said, who decries the clash of civilizations thesis as an attempt to revive the “good vs. evil” world dichotomy prevalent during the Cold War (“A Clash of Ignorance,” The Nation, October 22, 2001); John Voll and John Esposito, who argue that “The Muslim heritage... contains concepts that provide a foundation for contemporary Muslims to develop authentically Muslim programs of democracy” (“Islam’s Democratic Essence,” Middle East Quarterly, September 1994); and Ray Takeyh, who recounts the efforts of contemporary Muslim scholars to legitimize democratic concepts through the reinterpretation of Muslim texts and traditions (“Faith-Based Initiatives,” Foreign Policy, November/December 2001).
An overview of the Bush administration’s Middle East Partnership Initiative, including the complete transcript of Secretary of State Cohn Powell’s speech on political and economic reform in the Arab world, can be found on the Web site of the U.S. Department of State. Marina Ottaway, Thomas Carothers, Amy Hawthorne, and Daniel Brumberg offer a stinging critique of those who believe that toppling the Iraqi regime could unleash a democratic tsunami in the Arab world in “Democratic Mirage in the Middle East” (Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2002).
In a poll of nearly 4,000 Arabs,
James Zogby found that the issue of “civil and
personal rights” earned the overall highest score when people were asked to
rank their personal priorities ( What
Arabs Think: Values, Beliefs and Concerns,
The Web site of the World Values Survey (wvs) provides considerable information on the survey, including background on methodology, key findings, and the text of the questionnaires. The second iteration of the A.T. Kearney/Foreign Policy Magazine Globalization Index (“Globalization’s Last Hurrah?” Foreign Policy, January/February 2002) found a strong correlation between the wvs measure of “subjective well-being” and a society’s level of global integration.
>> For links to relevant Web sites, access to the FP Archive, and a comprehensive index of related Foreign Policy articles, go to www.foreignpolicy.com .
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